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RELIGION AND LANGUAGE
Anthony Campbell
The ideas discussed in this article are developed further in my new
book, Religion, Language, Narrative and the Search for
Meaning. Please see my Home
page for more details.
A religion instinct?
In another article on this site, Religion as
Narrative, I put forward the view that the basis of religion is not
belief but is narrative. Now, narrative is largely a matter of language:
narratives are primarily expressed in words (also in pictures, but the
pictures generally require verbal elaboration if they are to be
understood).
There is thus a trivial sense in which religion and language are related
to each other. It would be impossible to acquire a religion without the
medium of language. However, I want to suggest that the connection is
deeper than this, and that both religion and language may be closely
connected at a deep level and may be acquired in quite similar ways.
What needs to be explained about religion?
Two aspects of religion require explanation. First, it is seemingly
universal in all human societies. Second, although religions may vary
greatly from one society to another, they possess certain features in
common that make us able to identify them as religions. We know a
religion when we meet it.
Is there a 'deep structure' for religion?
Many people have interpreted this universality and similarity as
indicating the presence of a "religion instinct", an inbuilt tendency to
religious belief and practice in all human beings. Some have even
speculated that there are brain structures that give rise to this. Now,
very similar arguments have been applied to language.
Every human society we have encountered has possessed language, and Noam
Chomsky has famously claimed that there are similarities in the
structure of all languages that point to the existence of a "Universal
Grammar" (Chomsky 1972). The grammar or "deep structure" of human
languages is very complex, yet young children seem to have an innate
ability to master this complexity within a short time, as if by
instinct. This has suggested to many people that the rules of grammar
are in some sense built into the human brain during evolution.
If this idea is correct, might not the same be true of religion?
Religion, after all, is apparently a near-universal in human societies,
like language, so perhaps there is a "deep structure" for religion just
as there seems to be for language.
Language and religion as mind parasites
I want to take up this idea but to modify it in what I hope is a
constructive way. In his book The Symbolic Species Terrence
Deacon rejects Chomsky's view and proposes instead the hypothesis that
languages evolve in a kind of symbiotic relation with the human mind
(Deacon, 1997). The fact that young children are able to learn languages
with apparent ease, he suggests, does not mean that they have some
extraordinary innate linguistic ability but rather that human languages
have evolved to be learned easily by immature minds.
There is a two-fold evolution going on here: certainly the human brain
has evolved linguistic capabilities that are absent in the brains of
other primates, but at the same time languages have adapted themselves
to be readily learnable. This clearly has something in common with
Dawkins's meme idea, which Deacon does mention in passing, but it places
more emphasis on evolutionary change in language than we find in the
writings of most memeticists.
Resemblances between language and religion
If we now look at religion we find, I believe, a number of rather close
similarities with Deacon's view of language. I want to suggest that
religion, like language, has evolved to be easily learned by children.
The following features seem to be relevant.
Religion and children
Religious people are often reproved by the non-religious, and
even by some co-religionists, for having a "childish" view of
God; and this is in a sense reflected in references to God the
Father (today often transformed by feminists into God the
Mother). If religion has evolved to be easily learned by
children, this makes good sense. Is this perhaps what Jesus
meant when he said "Except ye be converted, and become as little
children, ye shall not enter into the kingdom of heaven."
(Matthew 18, 3)?
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Conversion vs early-acquired religion
The language-learning ability of children is different from
that of adults. There is a long-held view that this indicates a
"critical period" for language learning, similar to the
"imprinting" phenomenon in birds. Deacon disagrees, suggesting
instead that a degree of immaturity may be actually necessary
for language acquisition in this way.
Whatever the explanation, the phenomenon certainly exists, as
anyone who has tried to learn a new language in later life can
testify. But religion is acquired by children in a very similar
way to language. Many people are taught religion literally at
their mothers' knees, and religions infused early in life in
this way have a different "feel" from those that may be adopted
later as the result of conversion.
Religious beliefs inculcated in childhood are also difficult to
shake off, just as one's "mother tongue" is more persistent in
the face of disuse than languages learned in later life. Seen in
this way, the well-known if apocryphal Jesuit saying "Give me a
boy until he's seven and he's mine for life" takes on a new
significance.
The language of religion
Acquiring a religion involves to some extent learning a new
vocabulary and syntax: for example, the old Quaker use of "thee"
and, in some Christian circles, phraseology such as "believing
'on' Jesus" instead of the vernacular "believing 'in'". And
because what is said may partially condition what can be
thought, the use of such speech patterns will have subtle
psychological effects on the speakers, tending to limit what can
be named and hence what can be thought. Hence religion and
language are closely connected at the structural level.
Sacred languages
Many religions have a sacred language (Hebrew for Judaism,
classical Arabic for Islam, Sanskrit for Hinduism, Pali for
Theravada Buddhism). Because religions are generally ancient the
languages they use are often partially or wholly unintelligible
to the laity and sometimes even the clergy, but contrary to what
religious modernizers suppose, this linguistic remoteness is a
strength, not a weakness.
Misguided attempts to bring the language up to date often
coincide with a loss of religious faith, and it is difficult to
say what is cause and what is effect. Many Roman Catholics still
lament the abandonment of the Latin Mass in favour of the
vernacular, and disuse of the Book of Common Prayer by the
Church of England has not prompted an influx of young
worshippers to the pews (Freeman 2001).
Universal features of religion? The grammatical
similarities among languages find a parallel in religions. For example,
there seems to be a tendency for two separate tendencies to form within
mature religions.
In Christianity we have Catholicism and Protestantism:
Catholicism goes in for devotion to the Virgin Mary and the
saints and produces complex vestments and rituals, all of which
are frowned on to a greater or lesser extent by Protestants. In
Buddhism there is the distinction between Theravada and
Mahayana: the Theravada is relatively austere and unemotional,
whereas the Mahayana has the Bodhisattvas (who compare in some
ways with the saints in Catholicism) and elaborate ceremonies.
Within Islam there are likewise differences in tone between
Sunni and Shia: in a Shia country such as Iran you frequently
see pictures of Ali, Hussain and other "saints" in taxis and
elsewhere which are curiously reminiscent of Greek icons and
Catholic saints' pictures. It would of course be wrong to push
these resemblances too far, yet it is difficult not to notice
the similarities in "feel". Catholicism, Mahayana, and Shiite
Islam have something in common, and so do Protestantism,
Theravada, and Sunni Islam.
Religions, like languages evolve
Languages, as Deacon emphasizes, are not static but evolve
over time; they behave in fact like living organisms. The same
is true of religions. Deacon writes: "As a language passes from
generation to generation, the vocabulary and syntactical rules
tend to get modified by transmission errors, by the active
creativity of its users, and by influences from other
languages... Eventually words, phraseology and syntax will
diverge so radically that people will find it impossible to mix
elements of both without confusion. By analogy to biological
evolution, different lineages of a common ancestral language
will diverge so far from each other as to become reproductively
incompatible."
If we substitute "religion" for "language" we have a pretty
exact description of how Christianity evolved from Judaism. They
have become different species, which can no longer "interbreed".
Within religions there are often subspecies - the different
denominations within Christianity, for example.
Did language and religion originate together?
Finally, and very speculatively, may the origins of both language and
religion go back to the very beginnings of modern human consciousness?
Many people believe that there was a qualitative shift in human
consciousness about 50,000 years ago - the so-called Great Leap Forward,
when tool-making became more complex and the cave paintings in France
and Spain first appeared. We do not know why these paintings were made
but a prevalent idea is that they had some sort of religious or magical
significance. We also do not know when language first developed, but
again it is speculated that an elaborate form of speech first became
possible to humans at about the same time as the paintings. If these
ideas are at all correct, it would follow that language and religion
were closely connected at their very inception.
Religion: parasite or symbiont?
According to Deacon, it is possible to think of languages as parasites
or viruses. However, that is probably too severe, as he concedes, since
languages are after all beneficial to their hosts and should therefore
better be regarded as symbionts. So is religion a parasite or a
symbiont? We could not do without language, but could we do without
religion? Perhaps it has become so deeply infused into our minds and our
culture that we cannot rid ourselves of it. It may be like the
mitochondria in our cells; these were originally free-living organisms,
but at some stage in the distant past they became permanent denizens of
all "advanced" cells, which depend on them for their ability to use
oxygen for energy. Have religions become our psychological
mitochondria?
As we contemplate the spread of fundamentalism and fanaticism today
among many religions, with all that this portends for continuing
conflict and perhaps the disintegration of society, it is difficult to
avoid a sense of helplessness. If it is true, as I suspect it may be,
that religion is so deeply interfused in our mental make-up that most of
us cannot do without it, our outlook may be bleak.
Note added 9 February 2006
The late Ben Cullen of the Department of Archaeology and Palaeoecology,
Queen's University, Belfast, wrote a paper shortly before he died called
Parasite ecology and the evolution of religion. In this he
criticized Richard Dawkins's view of religion as a parasite. Here is an
abstract of the paper.
It is argued that the blanket view of religion as a disease, advocated
by Dawkins, is inconsistent with the principles of parasite ecology.
These principles state that vertically transmitted parasites evolve
towards benign, symbiotic states, while horizontally transmitted
parasites increase their virulence. Most of the world's established
religions are transmitted vertically, from parents to children, and are
therefore expected to be benign towards their hosts. Yet, certain
horizontally transmitted cults, such as the Aum Shinrikyo, seem to
effectively exploit their hosts in a way similar to an infectious
disease.
This seems to fit well with the view of religion which I propose in this
article: namely, that it can be either beneficial or harmful to its
host (or possibly even neutral). Most of my dicussion concerns vertical
transmission, which would thus generally be beneficial or neutral.
The article was published in Heylighen F., Bollen J & Riegler A. (ed.)
(1999): The Evolution of Complexity (Kluwer Academic, Dordrecht). It is
available on line here
REFERENCES
- Chomsky N. (1972). Language and Mind. Pantheon.
- Dawkins R. (1976). The Selfish Gene. Oxford University Press. (Revised
edition with additional material, 1989.)
- Deacon T. (1997). The Symbolic Species: The Co-evolution of Language
with the Human Brain. Allen Lane: The Penguin Press.
- Freeman A. (2001). God In Us: A case for Christian Humanism. Imprint
Academic. (Second edition.)
See also The Origin of Religion
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